What to make of the Madlanga Commission?

KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi has become a national hero, following his famous news conference in July 2025. He made a lot of accusations. However, the most eye-catching, was the involvement of high-ranking politicians in the protection of criminal gangs. Secondly, he accuses some police officers, and members of the bench to be involved in protecting criminals.

I do not dispute any of his allegations; in fact, I believe its all true. More than that, it is likely (and almost certainly) only the ears of the hippopotamus. You really must live in an alternate universe to not know that the South African Police Service is utterly contaminated by corruption, inefficiency and criminality. Besides, as far back as 2000, a former Commissioner of Policy, who was (can you believe it) also the head of Interpol, was arrested for corruption and links to criminal gangs. He was eventually sentenced to 15 years in prison (but, as it goes with ANC cadres, served none, after getting medical parole short after being committed to hospital immediately after his incardination was supposed to start. Eish, if there ever has been a magical (literally) "get-out-of-jail card for the ANC cartel, it is "criminal parole").

But, it seems, that Mkhwanazi himself is not squeezy clean. And, it seems, that the actual evidence in respect of some of his allegations are rather scanty. Who knows what is actually going on here: Is it a real effort to resist the criminalization of the South African criminal justice system, or has it more to do with political power-struggles in the country, considering Ramaphosa’s pending abdication from the throne?

I don’t know; I just know that absolutely nothing about the ineptness of the police service will surprise me. I know it all, without knowing much particulars.

What do I know?

The efficiency of the SAPD was severely undermined by cadre deployment; including the large-scale replacement of experienced. well-trained officers by former uMkhonto weSizwe veterans, and the stolen or misuse of large amounts of the Service’s budget allocations to support the luxury lifestyles of politics and senior executives; and, like in almost all other government institutions in the country, to support and enrich the tenderpreneurs. Police resources, like vehicles, were used for the personal convenience of policy officers on a wide scale. Actually, No ordinary South African really has an idea of all the irregularities that were going on.

In the early 2000s, a breaking point has been breached, and police stations stop answering service lines, maintaining weaponry and performing multiple critical policing services, like ensuring that vehicles have fuel to respond to criminal instances.

Fact of the matter is that mafia-type criminal syndicates have gradually infiltrated the South African Policy Service like they have done with most government institutions. Who knows how high into the political hierarchy the rot has entrenched itself? Don’t hold your breath. Again, nothing will surprise me.

The criminal capture may not always been in the format of direct collaboration with what is openly criminal gangs, like the so-called “Great 5” we have learned about from the Madlanga Commission, but it has definitely (and probably mostly) in the format of politically connected cadres getting contract and then charging a “BBBEE levy” on the goods or services provided; it was in the format of politically connected (or simply “BBBEE compliant”) fly-by-nights being awarded contracts for which they were nowhere qualified; and it was in replacing competent, experienced policy officers with historical – and politically connected comrades without the required qualifications or competencies to do the jobs they were appointed for. It was in, like in all other government institutions, loading the SAPD with the staff component with jobs for comrades, to maintain patronage networks, regardless of whether there were money or adequate resources for maintaining such posts. In was in the format of redirecting budgets from the maintenance of essential equipment and vehicles towards the luxury life-style of the politically connected.

Whatever the Madlanga Commission may come up, it will not surprise me. I know it is going on, without knowing the particulars. It is going on everywhere in the country. And it is not going to stop. There is no will, or intention, to stop it. The Commission, like the Zondo Commission, will publish its findings, there will be a lot of promises about consequences (probably, knowing this government and its modus operandi, an “action plan”). Probably there will be a commission to commission to commission the commission. And nothing will happen.

When the Ramaphosa Presidency ended, the eaters will change, until it became the chance of the new eaters. And the links with the criminal patronage will have to be retained, partly to protect the powerful from unwelcome police attention, and partly to keep the money flowing. And nothing will change.

I do think that there will be some collateral damage from the current saga. Somebody will have to fall on their swords, to protect the comrades. The ANC’s philosophy is clear to all comrades: Everyone must be given a chance to eat. Nathi Mthethwa will probably not recover politically, and will disappear silently into oblivious – but with retaining all his monetary privileges. Nathi Mthethwa has already committed suicide (or so I presume) – or was killed, who knows)?

But do you really think the extended criminal cartels, with their tentacles spread wide across politicians, businesspeople and the criminal underworld are afraid? No, I don’t think so. South Africa is a criminal state. It’s not going to change in my life-time.

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